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Eritrea’s Orange Revolution Has Begun
When fellow Eritreans were forced to board the Libyan military plane
back to Eritrea, sometime during the flight a certain feeling of
desperation to a point of decisiveness led our brothers and sisters to
take matters into their own hand on that fateful day on August 27, 2004.
 Eritreans in general,
and our youth in particular are being forced to board PFDJ’s endless
slavery plane called Warsai-Yikealo. Like their brothers and
sisters on that fateful Libyan plane, they are reaching a point of
decisiveness – a point where one stops being afraid and decides to
take matters into ones hands.
“Well right now I am just sitting in
computer just reading what’s going on. I am in Asmara where there is
great tension of terror. …Well just these last three days I lost 4 of my
friends being arrested just for talking about their rights. And also
the government is looking for me as I was there that time and had a say
for Eritrean democracy. But I don’t feel anything any more. I don’t
care for what is coming for me.” [emphasis added]
“Desperate call for help from Asmara …
who is listening?”
Asmarino.com, July 24, 2005
A 70-year old man got up and commented
to Mr. Mustafa Nurhussein, Zoba Debub Administrator, that rather the
government should investigate why youth are fleeing the country and find
a solution to the problem. At night, security officers came to arrest
the 70-year old man but couldn’t find him. Similarly, students of San
Giorgio school in Mendefera have been arrested after refusing to go to
Sawa.
EDP Sudan, July 25, 2005
These are only but few of the latest public resistance to the PFDJ
regime.
The number of incidents of public
resistance against the PFDJ regime are increasing by the day and, as a
result, the regime’s repressive measures are also increasing.
Youth are rebelling in Adi Abeto, Dahlak
Islands, Wia, Dekemahre, and who knows how many other places. Parents
are refusing to offer their kids to the PFDJ wolves. The orange
revolution has begun; it only needs one last spark that will set it off.
 Although the world
news media services tell us the last few glorious days of the various
orange revolutions of the past
decade, orange revolutions have
humble origins - in people’s homes, in coffee shops, and other small
gatherings of people who espouse democracy or by those who are tired of
being oppressed by their own regimes. These loose networks snowball
into action that are only glorified in some public square in the last
few days of the fall of the oppressive regimes. Their roots are in
internet cafes as our writer from Asmara above, other public gatherings
such as weddings (which PFDJ has been cracking down on some), in Warsai
Yekealo and everywhere else. The snowballing effect is simply a natural
phenomenon.
There is no substitute for truly people’s
movement. It is only an aberration in history if democracy and
justice was handed down from top to down. Throughout history, the
general population had to forcefully demand its rights and freedoms.
People’s rebellion is the only insurance against dictatorship and
oppression. Eritrea is no exception!
 The opposition camp
must continually ask itself whether its thinking and actions are aligned
with the Orange Revolution gathering speed within the general population
of Eritrea. Can the opposition camp concentrate its
attention long enough, away from itself, to organize and harness the
strong feeling within the Eritrean population?
Examine your feelings - On May 24th, 1991 didn’t you wish you
were celebrating with the heroes of our liberation – the vast majority
of our heroes we can never turn our backs on regardless of our
bitterness towards our political leaders in post-independence Eritrea.
We are bleeding in hands of very few individuals – giving the vast
majority of our heroic people bad rap.
Orange revolution is coming – do you want to be part of it?
Do you want to take charge of your life and other people who depend on
you? Or do you want to live your life being afraid, always running
away?
Take charge and let us join our hands!
Opposition leaders must join and lead the
Orange Revolution
It is with much amusement and dismay that I read Mr. Hirui Tedla’s
recent speech in Khartoum. I would have foregone commenting on his
speech if what he omitted didn’t constitute the cornerstone our struggle
against the PFDJ regime. In addition, some members within the
opposition camp may continue to espouse the same views as Mr. Hirui
Tedla, despite superficially claiming to support popular movement to
remove the regime. Action speaks louder than words!
Before delving into the content of his speech, in order to avoid any
misunderstanding, no one has the right to abridge Mr. Hirui’s or
others’ rights to form political or other forms of organizations, and to
express his views or opinions as long as he doesn’t espouse views that
abridge other people’s right to do the same. But we must comment on
behalf of those who don’t share his views.
Mr. Hirui told us in his speech that the struggle against PFDJ can only
have two facets. Mr. Hirui tells us that the first alternative
is to establish an army and bring down the regime by force. The
second alternative, we are told, is to follow EDA’s agreed position
of negotiating peaceful resolution to this tragic chapter of Eritrean
history. In his rhetorical question, Mr. Hirui asks if negotiation is
not tantamount to appeasing the regime. A consummate politician Mr.
Hirui is, he simply skipped the most important cornerstone of the
current struggle to remove the PFDJ regime is waged through
people’s rebellion or civil disobedience or
mass protests, which are only steps away from happening
in Eritrea. People’s movement, it is
hoped, not only removes the regime but ushers in grassroots movement in
Eritrea. Every Eritrean becomes the owner of change.
Extremism, at any end of the political spectrum, are espoused by
those who desperately try to attract public attention to themselves.
They only create temporary confusion – albeit to the detriment of other
established opposition groups - and then disappear like morning dew. Albert
Einstein said, ‘Invention is 1% inspiration, and 99% hard work’. One
can say, RESULT is 1% inspiration and 99% hard work.
But Mr. Hirui may not be interested in people’s rebellion because it may
not have the outcome he wants. Organizing and mobilizing truly
people’s movement is very difficult but has the desired outcome. But it
borders on recklessness to even suggest that military option is
the only viable one. The amount of effort, time, resources, training,
etc… required to undertake even the smallest military operations is
simply far more difficult than pooling resources to effect people’s
uprising against the regime. In addition, military solution is one of
the worst options as it will only create other new and worse political,
economic, and social conditions. One can only speculate if Mr. Hirui is
probably entertaining mercenary power to undertake his military campaign
to ‘help’ Eritreans. But many articles have already been written
arguing effectively against this ‘politically convenient’ thinking.
But the question of how to organize the Eritrean people into
effective opposition movement seems to have escaped not only Mr. Hirui
but a significant number of people within the opposition camp. If
creativity within the opposition camp was to be measured on scientific
scale, it would still be a triangular cart wheel. At the risk of
being roundly criticized, I must say that the most effective inspiration
within the opposition camp derive from following sources,
1.
Internet Media Services
( not necessarily in particular order and each us its flavor)
a.
Asmarino.com, which continues to provide the latest news,
radio broadcast, and effective discussion forum,
b.
Meskerem.net, which continues to cater to the widest views
of all the websites and thus creating the most convenient platform for
discussion and debates needed to bridge differences,
c.
Awate.com, which provides the latest news on Eritrea and
other general information
2.
Advocacy groups
a.
Eritreans for Human & Democratic Rights – UK (EHDR-UK)
b.
Asper & Eritrean Civil Societies
c.
Eritrean Movement for Democracy and Human Rights (EMDHR)
Particular praise should go to Ms. Elsa Chyrum, whose tireless efforts
inspires all of us. If we had one thousand people in Diaspora like
Samuel and Tekle, we would have marched all the way to Kombishtato.
3.
Political organizations
In the humble opinion of those us who support EDP, no political
organization has shown us the same political savvy as this political
organization. In the world of politics where perception is reality,
it has managed to bring a woman and younger generation into its
leadership. Its political stand and activities are concentrated to
address today’s issues and challenges. Its position on the border and
relation with our neighbors reflect the general population’s sentiment.
Voice of Liberty is a dagger into PFDJ’s bosom, delivering timely and
persuasive messages consistent with our desired change through people’s
movement. That is how one aspires and wages people’s revolution. Other
organizations may or may not have definite and tangible plans
[other than to free-ride within EDA] to remove the regime that reflects
the urgency of today’s realities. I will leave that for others to share
it with us.
Weakness within the Opposition?
Mr. Hirui tells us that to this date the opposition camp doesn’t have
strong presence in Eritrea. As such, we are told, the anti-dictatorship
struggle is weak.
This statement raises at least a couple of questions.
1.
In general, it has become the latest fad to talk about how weak
the opposition camp is. The language is the same as tired PFDJ
politics, which keeps telling us that PFDJ has made major economic,
social, and political strides but that it still faces various
difficulties and has much journey ahead of it. Somehow, this is
superficial self-criticism perceived as showing genuineness to the
public. But it isn’t! What the general public is interested in is
clearly defined plan-of-action, even the smallest but effective one, to
remove the regime. Don’t tell us what we already have concluded on
our own [i.e. weakness within the opposition camp]. Leadership means to
lead, and as such leaders are expected to formulate effective strategies
and to engage the general public to achieve the desired aim.
Plan-of-action should not be based on wishful thinking, i.e.
don’t tell us solutions based on some future contingent events or
outcomes such as if we all unite at the grassroots level, if we had an
army, and if we win $100 Million dollar lottery, etc… that we could
wage effective campaign against the regime. Rather finding creative
solutions entails incorporating current realities and working out the
most optimal solution within the widely shared principles we espouse.
For example, if joining at grassroots isn’t feasible, and it isn’t,
there is no reason why we should waste time attempting this wasted
efforts when it isn’t critical to our current struggle. An umbrella
organization, such as EDA, can become just an effective tool against the
PFDJ regime only if EDA can divert attention long enough away from
itself and concentrates on its primary aim. EDA’s failure to-date to
divert attention from itself is largely self-inflicted, in that it is
biting more issues than it can chew.
2.
Directly to what Mr. Hirui said, how does he define strong
presence in Eritrea? Who knows what kind of underground opposition
movements exist within Eritrea and which internal or external opposition
groups drive these movements? Mr. Hirui can speak for himself that he
and his immediate colleagues don’t have presence in Eritrea. I doubt if
anybody would sit down with their opposition party counterparts and
discuss what kind of activities each one is engaged in within Eritrea.
Aspiring opposition leader’s message should be encouraging to the
general public that probably reads every line within the opposition camp
hoping to find some inspiration. Even if weakness is to be revealed, it
should be within a context of revealing one’s solutions to certain
weakness. Don’t tell us weaknesses and leave us dangling. That is
counterproductive.
In fact, Mr. Hirui is not correct in his analysis because
the PFDJ regime is resorting to the most brutal oppression against the
general public because PFDJ knows that there is strong opposition
presence within Eritrea. PFDJ is NOT meting
punishment on the Eritrean people as a form of entertainment like Roman
times where slaves were fed to lions in coliseums in front of public
audience. Rather, PFDJ continues to resort to most repressive measures
to preempt public opposition – and which is a sure sign of its desperate
and losing efforts to stay in power.
One expects a big gap between
internal and external opposition. In our enthusiasm for external
opposition, we continue to overlook the most heroic and valiant
opposition leaders in Eritrean jails.
Although behind bars [in jail], their strong symbolic presence within
Eritrea continues to cast a strong, unshakeable, menacing, and
omnipresent shadow on PFDJ. Their bravery is an inspiration to all us,
and permanent thorn on PFDJ’s side.
Pertaining to weakness within the opposition camp, EDA must overcome its
turf politics and participate in the Orange
Revolution in the making. To do so, EDA must totally
disengage from its exclusive and all-consuming game of musical-chair for
post-PFDJ government. For those of us keeping score cards of
opposition camp’s performance, only few within this camp are earning
passing grade. It is probably suffice to mention EDA’s conflicting
messages between its June 2005 magazine and its July 22, 2005 statement
(paragraph 4). In its June 2005 magazine and even within the July 22,
2005 EDA’s statement, EDA correctly defines its mission as removing the
regime and establishing a democratic system of government. However,
later in the same [4th ] paragraph of July 22, 2005
statement, EDA asks the general public to help EDA become the
replacement government for the current ruthless regime. Although EDA
has every right to seek power, it is putting the cart before the horse –
espousing post-PFDJ power without to this day contributing anything
tangible towards removing the regime. In fact, when ambition exceeds
efforts, EDA only manages to attract unneeded attention towards itself –
further weakening EDA. It is never lost with the general public who and
which organizations or individuals deserve the credit for effective
opposition against the regime – both for internal and external
opposition.
Dr. Mussie Misgina’s Unfortunate Remarks
It is disheartening to read Dr. Mussie’s criticism of the opposition
camp in support of the ruthless regime. As one of the signatories of the
Berlin Manifesto, Dr. Mussie is well aware of the challenges facing
Eritrea. The situation in Eritrea has only gotten immensely worse since
the Berlin Manifesto. The current realities in Eritrea is not lost with
him. As a well educated person and for someone who may have a
leadership potential, unfortunately, he has failed to differentiate
between our widely shared basic principles and the men he dealt with in
Eritrean politics. In the process, Dr. Mussie, like many of our
politicians of both divides of Eritrean politics, has chosen to be part
of the Eritrean problem rather than striving to find solution to
Eritrea’s tragedy. As a result, Dr. Mussie has become an epitome of
Eritrean personal politics played with such destructive intention
leading to the total breakdown of everything we hold dear in Eritrea.
If Eritrea is to overcome its yesteryear politics, personal and
organizational challenges, Eritrea needs people who remain steadfast on
their basic and widely shared principles.
Zelalemawi Zikri N’Sewuatna!
Berhan Hagos
July 27, 2005
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