Bluffers’ Game

According to GIC, PIA conducted an interview with Eri-TV last week to be broadcasted to the public soon.  There will be nothing new in the interview that will address the political, social, and economic quagmire that Eritrea finds itself. 

Eritrea now finds itself at the bottom of every world socio-economic index.  When Eritrea gained its independence in 1991, we said that we would learn from the mistakes of other countries.  Instead, we have dug ourselves in a big hole which PIA will only deny during this interview.  PIA will tell us the ‘amazing’ economic developments achieved through the ‘Warsai Yekealo Campaign’ – a slavery campaign that will only be uttered once throughout his entire interview consistent with his speeches over the last couple of  years.   

Ethio-Eritrea:  PIA and PMM reenacting May 1998

Unlike Minister Haile Woldetensae’s insightful recommendation on handling the Ethio-Eritrea border conflict, PIA is staking his power over the border issue..  Minister Haile’s wisdom is in knowing that one needs to address endogenous variables, such as the rule-of-law and strong socio-economic variables, to tackle exogenous variables, such as the demarcation process and international relations.  To the contrary, PIA has shown his inability to think outside Mao’s philosophy of ‘might is right’ and thus has exposed his perpetual lack of foresightedness by staking his fate on exogenous variables – i.e. PIA trusting the Ethiopians to fully implement the Algiers Agreement and/or the guarantors enforcing the agreement.   PIA, and in reality our beloved country, is paying heavy price for his misguided analysis.  No one should have any doubt today that Minister Haile’s suggested course of action of five years ago would have strengthened Eritrea politically, economically, and socially – while resolving the border conflict.  Without any doubt, Eritrea needed and still needs Minister Haile to lead our country.  PIA’s recent campaign to execute [if not done already] G-11 is designed to deprive Eritrea of its brilliant leaders.  In the words of Min. Mahmoud Sherifo, PIA can’t be the same leader who brought Eritrea’s independence. 

Recent developments indicate that PIA believes the election crisis in Ethiopia is his window of opportunity to squeeze PM Meles (PMM) into capitulation that will put back on track the border demarcation process, which is now fully stalled.

At the extreme, PIA’s strategy is simple – to provoke PMM into a war, or at the very least lead to the collapse of the PMM regime.  PIA is one of the last practitioners of Mao’s ‘might is right’ philosophy.  At least, Mao had 1 billion people to mislead him into believing in his philosophy.   Eritrea did gain its independence with the blood of its precious people.  But to apply this philosophy as the ultimate wisdom of resolving all conflicts will only lead to sure destruction. 

Eritrea has now imposed many restrictions on UNMEE’s movements in the demilitarized zone.  PIA hopes to bluff PMM and the rest of the world into believing that another round of conflict is imminent.  No one can say for sure if this latest PIA bluff is designed to pacify Eritreans further, or to force PMM and the world community, esp. the guarantors, to respond to Eritrea’s concerns without further procrastination. 

As a response to PIA bluffs, PMM is calling his own bluff,

"While I cannot rule out the possibility of another round of war, I am not of the opinion that war is just around the corner. No, there is a risk of war in an environment where the leadership of Eritrea has never stopped beating the war drums. What I am saying is that the likelihood of such a war has not increased in the past few weeks, … I can assure (the Eritrean people) that no provocation on the part of the leadership in Asmara, short of a full scale invasion, is going to be reciprocated by Ethiopia, …" Meles told reporters in the capital Addis Ababa.  [Emphasis added]

Source: Reuters  09 Nov 2005 

In May 1998, PIA practiced his ‘might is right’ philosophy by occupying the disputed areas of Badme plains after the provocation of the ‘Woyane’ regime, which killed seven Eritrean army officers.  The rest is bitter history.

In November 2005, PIA is hoping to turn the table around on the Woyane’ regime’s cruel game played on him [PIA] in May 1998.  Reading between the lines of PMM’s statement, PMM expects provocations on PIA’s side, possibly killing few Ethiopian army officers which PIA hopes will lead to reciprocal Ethiopian response of ‘full use of force’, which would escalate into a full war.  PMM is telling us that he won’t fall for the same trap that PIA fell into in May 1998.  PIA knows that he can’t start the war  without the world condemning him.  PIA hopes for Ethiopia to start the war, which will give PIA full justifications of a victim of both law [i.e. stalled border decision] and aggression. 

PMM’s anticipated game of bluff is to say to PIA, ‘you [PIA] must start the war for us to play the game.’  If PIA can’t start a war, and if PMM is saying that Ethiopia will not respond to any minor provocations, the natural question is, what comes next?

After anteing up the bluffer’s game, PIA can’t return to the former status quo of allowing UNMEE to operate fully in the demilitarized zone without some form of concession, such as the resumption of the demarcation process.  Without some concession, PIA can’t allow UNMEE to return to the 25km demilitarized zone (DMZ), and thus the current situation will become the new status quo.  The UN Security Council which had been complaining about paying over $200 Million USD annually to maintain its UNMEE operation may just use this excuse to reduce its staff, and thus lessening its budgetary requirements. Inadvertently, PIA is allowing UNMEE and its sponsor, the UN Security Council (UNSC), to escape their responsibilities by allowing them to wiggle out of  their [UNMEE’s & UNSC’s] responsibilities.  Yet another PFDJ political misstep – its inability to think beyond the next step.

Naturally, with UNMEE’s mission reduced in the DMZ under the new status quo, there will remain a heightened state of military confrontation which will drain both sides – with Eritrea suffering a higher degree of wear-and-tear due its size and total lack of hard-currency.  This conflict may begin to look more like the Kashmere conflict without the benefit of the wisdoms of their leaders.  If cornered too hard, PIA might just have to make good on his bluffs, regardless of its consequences and hope that Mao’s ‘might is right’ comes through for him.  Destruction – the price of authoritarian regimes!

Disastrous Foreign Relations

PIA feels that his window-of-opportunity was robbed by the West which is calling upon all the antagonists in the Ethiopian political scene to resolve their differences peacefully.  The fact remains that  PIA’s arch-nemesis, PMM, is whispering into the ears of G8 leaders, and attends meetings of Blair’s and Germany’s Economic Commissions for Africa.  In the meantime, PIA, and thus Eritrea, is shunned by the whole world due to PIA’s mishandling of its foreign relations, and instead PIA is now reduced to entertaining his sole guest, Dr. Turabi, who is largely responsible for starting the Eritrean-Sudan political friction in 1994.  It is only yesterday’s memory that Dr. Turabi is responsible for the blood of many innocent Eritreans.  Whether Dr. Turabi has recanted his past actions remains for us to see in the future.

PIA’s belligerent diplomatic approach is destroying Eritrea’s image in the world.  The compassionate, hard-working, and law-abiding citizens of Eritrea are now incorrectly characterized by PIA’s brutal leadership.   Those who tuck their kids into bed every night, and have their own beds to slip into after a good night’s dinner may be able to afford to be belligerent.  But the price of diplomatic belligerency is being paid dearly by ordinary Eritrean citizens.

Some say that the international community has always sided against Eritrea.  But this argument is very simplistic.   If we examine Western Europe, since our independence, some have sided with Ethiopia while others with Eritrea – not only in their political support but also in their economic assistance.  If we examine the rest of world, other than the US, the support for Ethiopia and Eritrea is evenly split.  What it comes down to is which side does the US support in this conflict,  and putting aside our past history with the US, one can’t say in unequivocal terms if it is supporting the indefinite postponement of the demarcation process in sole support of the Ethiopian government.  The parties to the discussions/negotiations on the border issue with the US are PIA and PMM only, and what has been said among these parties is only known to them.  But one can speculate that, for whatever the American guarantee is worth, the US government is telling the Eritrean government to be patient over the border demarcation and that Eritrea shouldn’t be apprehensive over Ethiopia’s continued grand design over Eritrea.  It is safe to say that PIA is handcuffing himself and the nation over his own insecurity and over his ever compounding mistakes and errors of judgments, rather than the paranoid or self-serving politics of projecting the world conspiring against Eritrea.

Most Eritreans support Min. Haile Woldetensae’s position that once UNMEE is deployed in the DMZ, Eritreans should return to the business of running their country.  This includes the implementation of the Constitution, conducting democratic elections, and allowing private sector to operate without any impediments.  With Min. Haile Woldetensae’s guidance, our diplomatic relations with the US and other countries would have been positive, while making progress on the border demarcation process.  Instead, Eritrea is now in a state of perpetual turbulence without any realistic timetable nor vision for addressing its daily compounding challenges.  

Many higdefites may dismiss PFDJ’s disastrous international diplomacy as a trivial issue.  But we learn about their anxieties from the way they respond at the smallest positive gesture from the Western nations towards PFDJ’s actions.               

Broken Economic Confidence

The second major issue PIA will raise is the ‘spectacular’ economic achievements of the past 14 years.  Somehow, the successes of the first 7 years are expected to hide the utter failures of the latter 7 years.  No real data will be thrown at us other than the usual we ‘built houses and roads’ and that we still have a long way to go speech.  But the basic question to Eritreans is, ‘Are you better off today than 5 or 10 years ago?’   The unequivocal answer is, ‘NO!’.  Blame the Woyanes, colonial legacy, being African, the rain, war of liberation, traitors, etc…, the bottom line is ‘PFDJ has utterly failed … no excuses’.  Success can never be achieved through excuses. As such, no matter what his own measuring yardstick is used to announce economic successes, PIA and PFDJ’s economic policies are utter failures.  Success isn’t measured by how many army officers live in luxurious houses, or how many of the PFDJ cadres gulp expensive whiskies every night.

But what does one expect from the Minister of Ministry of Economic Destruction, a former UNDP staff, and earning over a quarter-of-million year at one time, goes on record with the BBC stating that economic progress must precede any form of democracy.  PFDJ’s deliberate destruction of Eritrean economy is then proxy-war on prospective Eritrean democracy, which the good Minister is very comfortable signing away.  Some of our intellectuals feel that they must exhibit their superficial courage and ‘pseudo-nationalism’ in supporting PFDJ’s indefensible economic, political, and social agendas.  They cherry-pick PFDJ’s ‘illusionary minor successes’, while ignoring the bigger questions of not only socio-economic failures, but more critically ignoring the utter violations of the most basic issues of fundamental and inalienable rights bestowed upon every human being.  If one doesn’t have the courage to fight for the most basic freedoms and rights of human beings, it is wiser to follow the old adage, ‘Silence is Golden!’ 

We have PFDJ officials who confidently, and possibly superficially, telling us that Eritrea will achieve the UN 2015 Poverty Reduction program well in advance of its target date.  Probably their superficial confidence is based on knowing that they won’t be around to explain their words in 2015.  The other possibility is that they hope to either send into exile or incarcerate the vast majority of the Eritrean population.  Reduce the country into few thousands army officers and PFDJ cadres and claim that poverty has been reduced. 

PFDJ’s Eritrea can see the light at the end of the tunnel, but it can only be a train coming to crush it.  PIA doesn’t and can’t have economic vision for Eritrea because Mao didn’t write it in his books.  Probably, PIA should change his book to Deng Xiaoping.  We examine the economic state of Eritrea and its future not by PIA’s empty optimism but by the most  common measuring yardsticks.

1. Eritrea can’t adopt the economic formulas used by Singapore, South Korea, Taiwan, Dubai, or any other country to embark on economic growth.  Each country has its own historical, geographical, traditional, and cultural factors that pave its own economic path.

2. PIA has chosen to model Eritrean economy after Mao’s China, where all businesses were run by the military.  But this policy was pursued not for economic growth purposes but solely to maintain power.  China has been totally dismantling Mao’s so-called economic system for the last few years, and has managed to recover slowly from its past mistakes because of its sheer population size, and thus internal market.  Under Mao’s China, just for illustration, the largest goods [contraband] smuggler into China was the very same government department tasked with policing smuggling – the China Customs Finance Police Division, which had its own Mao sanctioned business.  The empty rhetoric over Red Sea Corporation corruption is nothing more than a page from Mao’s book.  PIA may believe that his first task is to build the Eritrean Communist/Military Party [modeled after Chinese Communist Party] and then turn his focus to building the Eritrean economy as secondary issue in few years.  But again, PIA has fallen into the same trap of using other countries’ unique formula to his own different situation.  It won’t work!

3. The economic gap between the rich and poor countries is growing.  Even the newly industrializing countries, mostly in Asia and Latin America, are advancing at faster rate than the poor countries, which are mostly comprised of African countries.  Without a concentrated and concerted efforts to close this gap TODAY, the daunting task for the future generation to close that gap will be insurmountable.  Instead of perpetually and fruitlessly complaining about colonialism and neo-colonialism, the time is way past-due to look inward for solutions.  We can only work with endogenous variables. 

4. PFDJ Eritrea has destroyed the confidence and enthusiasm of Eritreans and international investors.  Without the rule-of-law, no one will be willing to invest in Eritrea.  One such blaring example is PIA’s [personal] Massawa tourism projects.  After frequent visits to Italy a couple of years ago to personally oversee private Italian investors investments in Massawa tourism projects, and after demolishing a significant section of ‘Wushti’ Massawa, the Italian investors declined to invest in the project after the Italian government refused to guarantee their investment in Eritrea.  This is the price of the total absence of rule-of-law and lack of investor confidence in Eritrean system.  PIA might be adept at conducting business at end of the barrel of a gun, but shows total incompetence when dealing under widely accepted business norms.  As consolation, PIA built the ‘modern’ hotel in Gel’alo, but tourists are not visiting a desolate place [without accompanying facilities] and where 20 liters of fuel only gets one as far as from Asmara to Massawa.   Many countries have their own ‘white elephants’.    

5. Recently we were told that PFDJ’s army has begun growing ‘chat/qat’ in northeastern part of Eritrea.  In Ethiopia, ‘chat/qat’ has overtaken coffee as the largest hard-currency earning export.   But if we examine Mao’s history, it has been known for some time that one of the dirty secrets of Yenan was that opium was produced and marketed from there. The opium trade enriched those at the top but created the inflation caused by the opium money.  We should kick ourselves for not predicting that PFDJ would engage in such dangerous trade.  The second danger of growing ‘chat/qat’ is that it may find its way to the idle youths in the ‘Warsai Yekealo Campaign’.   PIA needs time – time that may never come – to climb out of his political hole, and until then needs to keep the entire population pacified and if it means introducing ‘chat/qat’ to this servicemen, it is only a small price to pay in PFDJ land– like every sacrifice PFDJ has imposed on this small nation for decades.   For a regime that is attempting to portray itself as health-conscious government in banning cigarette smoking in certain public places in Eritrea, it appears that ‘chat/qat’ might just be the perfect substitute that doesn’t have smoke.   But somehow in Eritrea, ‘banning’ is a fancy word for ‘no hard currency’. 

6. Other questions pertain to other white-elephant projects, such as the ‘Grand Massawa-Asmara Train’ project.  Can anyone please tell us what exactly its purpose is?  This is typical of ‘Just Look Busy’ project.  We were told that its purpose is for tourism, but no one knows if it was a wise investment.  Years after the completion of major segments of this project, there is no concerted effort to earn income from the completed segments of the project.  Just like every other PFDJ projects, this is money-losing project – or even possibly a waste effort.  But again PFDJ cadres may portray the wasted efforts of forced Warsai-Yekealo servicemen as just skill training activity.   Second, these rail tracks are said to be incapable of carrying heavy cargoes from Massawa to Asmara and in-between.  No one can honestly explain its major purpose, other than to characterize it as ‘Animal Farms’ windmill.

7. Does PFDJ have an economic policy that addresses realistic and sustainable job creation program that allows Eritreans to earn a decent living?  ‘Warsai Yekealo Campaign’ is not sustainable.  Realistic and sustainable economic policy can only be based on financial incentive/reward and individual choice based job market system. Does the PFDJ regime have an economic policy that addresses the hardship brought upon ordinary Eritreans through uncontrolled inflation?  ‘Rit’awi Duquan’ doesn’t address supply/demand gap – and only benefits PFDJ cadres at the expense of ordinary Eritreans.  What is the point of pegging the price of bread at 30 cents if one can’t find bread.  This is illusionary economic policy. 

8. Whatever happened to our marine resources?  Eritrea is exporting some 15,000 ton of fish per year, whereas the sustainable yield is 80,000 per ton annually.  The current export is conducted through Egyptian, Yemeni, and other discreet international commercial fishing companies.  Eritrean fishermen, including Red Sea Fisheries, have been banned from enjoying their country’s endowments while PFDJ siphons off hard currency earned on those 15,000 ton of under-the-table fish exports.  What were we told about those PFDJ fishing trawlers?   It is no secret that Min. Petros Solomon had undertaken much efforts to introduce the fish diet into every corner of Eritrea, encouraged small-scale and large commercial fishing.  What has the current Minister, Mr. Ahmed Haj Ali, achieved in the past 5 years?  Zilch, nada, nothing!  We need leaders like Min. Petros Solomon.

More Questions for the interview

'Let me take the speck out of your eye,' while the log is in your own eye? You hypocrite, first take the log out of your own eye, and then you will see clearly to take the speck out of your neighbor's eye.’ 

Shabait’s Nov. 11/05 editorial reflects the same theme of shameless politics.  Sometimes, one wonders whether the PFDJ regime believes Eritreans are brain-dead.  Who is the audience for such shameless politics?  Shabait’s crocodile tears doesn’t begin to hide the worst human abuses in modern history taking place right inside its own bosom in Eritrea.  We are not interested in Ethiopian politics other than resolving the border issue peacefully and legally.  We want Ethiopians to resolve their problems peacefully and legally for our own selfish reasons – we don’t want our awkward neighbor exporting its problems to us.

Instead, the burning questions remain,

1.      Could PIA tell us why mothers such as Mrs. Aster Yohannes, Mrs. Senait Debessai, Mrs. Miriam Hagos, and thousands of others who are incarcerated without committing any crimes?  What about the journalists?  Why not bring the G-11 to court of justice, if such thing exists in today’s Eritrea?  Is this your vision of Eritrea?  Is this the Eritrea you and your colleagues fought for? 

2.      If PIA is committed to the future of Eritrea, which means developing our youths, how come PFDJ has not found it fit to build a single library in Eritrea.  PFDJ has not built a single sport facility for our youths to develop their mental and physical skills.  Why not?  If it is money, why do we need 18 MIGs, when the price of say, 8 of these MIGs, can build all of the above facilities?  To defend the country, one says, but isn’t it a fact that our few MIGs were grounded during the conflict with Ethiopia between 1998-2000.  What role did they have?  The same for Ethiopia, what role did their 70 MIGs have in that conflict?  Waste of money, and twisted priorities!

3.      Many of our war veterans of the armed struggle are reaching the age of retirement, what is PFDJ doing to address their concerns?  Or will they be used as pawns in the game of politics, threatening them with their livelihood if they don’t fall politically inline? 

4.      There is no connection between PFDJ’s education system and its yet undefined economic vision.  Education isn’t an end by itself.  For example, we should produce lawyers but their profession will not be used or developed if there is no independent and functional judiciary system.  The same can be said of other students of other disciplines who find themselves mixing concrete instead of practicing their professions.  Unlike big countries that can rely on internal market for growth, smaller countries must rely on engaging heavily on exchanges of international trades and services.  How does PFDJ intend to bring Eritrea, and specifically Eritrean youth, into ever-shrinking global economic village?  Higdefawiyans will say, teach everyone to mix concrete – higdefawiyans’ typical ‘four-legged good, two-legged bad’ mentality.

On Related Thought

Some critics on the internet have expressed their concerns that EDA may not have any coherent economic strategy to put Eritrea back on track.

The danger is always when unaccountable leaders have their own grand economic designs or formulas, or just as concerning is when ‘democratically’ inclined leaders are unable to sit across from each other to fully debate and then reach a consensus on finding socio-economic solutions systematically.    Even well-intentioned leaders have their own grand socio-economic scheme which they hope to experiment on a nation. They believe that money is the solution to all problems and thus strive to over-tax-and-spend or even to fully or partially own major revenue-earning sources such as oil & gas, marine resources, and then to experiment with their socio-economic philosophies at the expense of a nation.  PFDJ has shown its belief in totally dominating the Eritrean economy, which has led to total collapse of the Eritrean economy.  Ordinary Eritreans should be equally alarmed if the post-PFDJ government is to announce its intention to pursue a grand economic design of its own.  If there is one outcome of government owned business ventures is its endemic mismanagement, corruption, bribery, nepotism, and other adverse impacts.  Government business ventures are all about delivering one dollar worth of results with ten dollars of the people’s money, time and efforts.  Ordinary Eritreans should rely on themselves for their own prosperity, instead of expecting governments to provide them a living.  Ordinary Eritreans should be wary of governments dipping into their pockets for their unproven grand socio-economic vision or scheme.   Eritreans should not accept enslavement and the violation of their basic rights and freedoms so that others can enjoy the fruits of their sacrifice.  If there is going to be sacrifice, then there should be equality in sacrifice among all Eritreans.  There is no justification why a young lad from Hamelmalo should be made to bear indefinitely the sacrifices of national service for some illusionary and self-serving political purposes.  Somehow, those who sing and dance to the tune of ‘sacrifice’ are those who are least affected by it, and even are benefiting from it.  No amount of houses, roads, dams, or any other projects built through sacrifices of our youths are worth the freedom paid by our youths.  Freedom is above all else!   

The next government should be prohibited from engaging in any kind of business, with extremely few exceptions and with clearly defined transparency, accountability, and other safeguards.  Under no circumstances whatsoever should private individuals be barred from engaging  in any kind of [legal] business.  For instance, the government may continue to operate an airline business because of the capital required or other necessities.  But the private sector should not be barred from engaging in the airline industry simply because the government is already operating in that industry.

Overall, the thrust of the next government should be to build investor confidence, both located locally and internationally.   Unfortunately, owing to PFDJ’s brutal legacy, building confidence is an uphill struggle. That is why the next government must exert twice as much effort, wisdom and tact in handling our socio-economic challenges.  The essence of governing is timing … today’s right solutions may not work tomorrow. 

If the next government is to hit the ground running, it must first understand the tremendous challenges it faces and must address today’s issues while tackling tomorrow’s challenges.

The next government should,

1. Declare that the foundation of its economic policy is the rule-of-law that allows investors to build their confidence in Eritrean battered judicial system and, in general, in kick-starting the evolution towards building democratic institutions.

2. While Eritrean politicians are wrangling for the exact wording in new Eritrean Constitution, the rest of population can’t live in a state of comatose.  Eritreans or non-Eritrean investors will not accept ad-hoc decrees, laws, rules, and regulations that attempt to address specific economic and investor issues on ad-hoc or piece-meal basis until the new Constitution is formulated.

3. Instead, the 1997 ratified Constitution should be implemented on DAY ONE of the next government assuming power.  That will show the next government’s commitment to addressing fundamental issues without any foot-dragging.  Eritreans in general, and investors specifically, will know their rights and freedoms without wondering what the new regime has in store for them.   The Constitution will narrow the perimeter between government and the general population.  The first task of the next government should be to address apprehensions and speculations.  Unfortunately, our experience with PFDJ and with the opposition in Diaspora, and even our prominent intellectuals lead us to one conclusion – one bird in the hand is better than two in the bush.

4. In fact, once the Eritrean Constitution is implemented on DAY ONE of the next government, there is no reason to delay adopting Min. Sheriffo’s law on Multi-party, and in formulating other laws including election laws.  We will judge the next government NOT by how much they haggle among themselves but by how quickly they deliver on reforms.   Talk is cheap!  Closed door negotiations are cheap!  We can only be interested in deliverables.  Each day delayed is each day wasted.  The 1997 Constitution has its flaws.  Min. Sheriffo’s Multiparty Law proposal has its flaws.   But these can be rectified in due time.  We are tired of excuses that delay action until the perfect formula is found – this is a waste of time and an invitation of uncertainties.  Politicians must be made to think on their feet.  For the peaceful coexistence of all distinct members of Eritrean society, the Constitution and the laws emanating from it must reflect the diversity within the country.  If some feel the current Constitution doesn’t embody certain safeguards or that other government structure is needed to address the system of future government in Eritrea, that is a long process that requires much debate.  The current Constitution embodies much of the safety mechanisms of a balanced system of government as well as the Rights and Freedoms accorded to Eritrean citizens, and contains its own mechanism for making the necessary amendments over time.  Delaying implementation will only create its own complications.

5. Abraham Maslow’s hierarchy of needs is the most appropriate in addressing Eritrean challenge,

   1. Physiological: hunger, thirst, bodily comforts, etc.;

   2. Safety/security: out of danger;

   3. Belongingness and Love: affiliate with others, be accepted; and

   4. Esteem: to achieve, be competent, gain approval and recognition

   5. Cognitive: to know, to understand, and explore;

   6. Aesthetic: symmetry, order, and beauty

   7. Self-actualization: to find self-fulfillment and realize one's potential; and

   8. Self-transcendence: to connect to something beyond the ego or to help others find self-fulfillment and realize their potential.

The problem with politicians is that politicians at higher level of hierarchal needs have difficulties understanding and hence formulating socio-economic policies of the majority of the population at much lower hierarchal need.  Those politicians at higher level of needs have different urgency level than those at lower level of hierarchal needs.  That is why I have always been cynical of Diaspora politicians who are disconnected from the realities of those at the ground-level in Eritrea and thus can’t begin to address the issues of the ordinary Eritreans.  Let alone politicians in Diaspora, even the local politicians in Eritrea who are enjoying above average benefits can’t speak about the hardships and challenges faced by ordinary Eritreans.   It is better to bring into government echelon ordinary Eritreans from all walks of life in Eritrea in order to begin addressing fundamental issues.   Consistent with my past articles, I believe the future Eritrea will be in much better economic and social condition if local residents from Hamelmalo are put in the top government circles than politicians from Diaspora.  As such, Eritrea must proceed towards quick elections with the 1997 Constitution and allow such residents of Hamelmalo to assume the Eritrean Parliament and other critical government positions in Eritrea without much delay.  We need people connected to everyday realities of life in Eritrea to govern it. 

The general population, and specially active segments of the population, will suffer uncertainty if the 1997 Constitution isn’t implemented immediately because certain politicians insist that the perfect Constitution must address at differing levels of hierarchal needs.  I prefer my one bird in my hand over two in the bush.   

On Last Thought

On October 19, 2005, BBC reported that,

“Col Abdi Qeybdid [a Somali] was in Sweden to attend an international conference when he was detained at the weekend for alleged involvement in war crimes.  Under Swedish law, its courts can try suspects for genocide committed abroad.”

It appears the Colonel was arrested after one Somali complained to the police in Sweden. 

International, and national, laws are changing.  Those who commit crimes against humanity have no longer anywhere to hide. 

Similarly in Canada [October 20, 2005],

Mounties arrested 39-year-old Desire Munyaneza after a lengthy investigation that included "exhaustive" interviews with witnesses in Rwanda, Europe and Canada.  Munyaneza faces seven charges, including two counts of genocide, two counts of crimes against humanity and three counts of war crimes.  Police have released few details about the charges, other than they are linked to murders that occurred while the accused was living in Rwanda.

Of course, higdefites may console themselves in believing that they didn’t actually pull the triggers that killed Eritreans.  Second point is that it takes only incident of criminal act to face justice.  We suggest that higdefites follow these and other similar cases and read the fine prints.  They most likely might find themselves in the same position very soon.  Fellow Eritrean lawyers in Diaspora must begin to collect data on international case laws to expedite justice in post-PFDJ Eritrea.

Berhan Hagos

November 12, 2005