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From Exemplary Revolution towards a
Failed State: What Went Wrong with the Eritrean Dream?
By Dr Salah Ibrahim, 18 November 2005
Undoubtedly, many mistakes were made during the Eritrean struggle for
national independence. Among other things, this includes physical
eliminations under mysterious circumstances and unfounded accusations of
some of the finest patriotic Eritrean intellectuals. Assassinations of
elite politicians and military leaders who held opposing political
views, kidnappings and disappearances of talented and hard-working
Eritreans, and many other crimes that did not come to light for the
general public to know about them. The legacy of all these misdeeds
culminated, unfortunately, in the highly polarized Eritrean society of
present. In spite of this, the Eritrean
revolution is still regarded as one of the exemplary revolutions of its
time. Note that revolution in this context does not mean great movements
such as “The
Russian Revolution of 1917” or “The Cultural Revolution of China in the
early 1960s” that brought
tremendous changes to their
society. It simply refers to the firm resistance against occupation.
This
article contains two parts: the first will take the reader through some
historical events that demonstrate why the Eritrean revolution is viewed
as exemplary, whereas the second part will deal with the sequences of
the dreadful events that have led to the ill situation that Eritrea is
in at the moment.
I will begin the first part by recounting the sufferings of the Eritrean
people following the illegal take over of our country by the Ethiopian
colonial power. As the reader knows the Eritrean Parliament was
abolished in 1962 by a royal decree authorised by the then emperor of
Ethiopia, Haile Selassie. Following the unjust occupation of Eritrea and
the failure of peaceful protests, primarily due to the US’s anti-Eritrea
position in the UN assembly, the Eritrean people opted for military
course of action to regain their sovereignty.
For thirty years (1961-1991), Eritrea was a battle field between the
colonisers and the liberation fighters. The latter fought indefatigably
for their right of self-determination and national independence.
Certainly, the independence was realised as a result of huge human
sacrifices and economical or material loss. These sacrifices brought
about the fall of the communist regime of Ethiopia that inflicted agony,
suffering and the displacement of Eritrean people.
The question is, why is the Eritrean revolution considered a world-class
fine and exemplary experiment?
To answer this question, one needs to briefly look at some of the
important events and crucial stages in the history of our revolution. I
will examine two critical periods: 1961 – 1970 and 1980 – 1984. This
does not in anyway mean or be interpreted that there were no other
crucial stages in the history of the Eritrean struggle for national
independence. Indeed, the Eritrean struggle is rich in historical events
marked by great heroism that deserve admiration. To comprehensively and
properly document those events, a strong commitment and hard work is
required and it would be better to be narrated by those who made that
history itself. But it is my opinion that during the above specified
periods, it was possible for the colonisers to uproot and crush the
sprit of the revolution if the will and determination of the Eritrean
people was not strong. How?
As history reveals, numerous revolutions were decimated in their early
days, evidence that the initial stage is harsh and extremely difficult.
In spite of this, the small-numbered and ill-equipped Eritrean
Liberation Army (ELA) fighters faced the large and well-equipped
Eritrean police, “field force” and later the regular Ethiopian
army with courage and determination. Sustained and relentless war
campaigns by the aggressors to destroy the Eritrean revolution failed.
On the contrary, the gallant ELA fighters inflicted terrible casualties
on the occupying force in several encounters (http://www.nharnet.com/Archives/Arch_2005/Jan2005/NharnetTeam_Jan13.htm).
This uplifted the sprit of the fighters and the revolution gained
momentum to survive those hard years. What captured my interest most
reading the above article was that in many of the battles, the
commanders were the ones who were martyred, evidence of an era when
sacrifices for the national cause meant great honour. The 1960s was an
era of complete devotion to the principles and ideals of the revolution,
unlike today’s era which is dominated by selfish interest to hang onto
power. I commend “Nharnet
Team”
for keeping this great history alive.
The guerrilla tactics employed by the ELA fighters and their
determination and strong believe in the objectives of the struggle
ultimately led to success. The veteran ELA fighters set good examples
for others to follow; Eritreans in great numbers enthusiastically joined
the struggle and the revolution gathered momentum. The fact that the
Eritrean revolution survived the initial difficult stage is attributable
to the unique courage of the veteran fighters and is indicative of an
exemplary revolution. To gain some understanding of the difficulties
encountered by the veteran ELA fighters during the early stage and to
appreciate their determination and sacrifices, I direct the reader to
this interesting article
http://www.nharnet.com/Archives/Arch_2004/Oct_2004/NharnetTeam_Oct01.htm.
It is an interview conducted in 1981 with a veteran
member of the ELA, Mohammed Ibrahim Bahdurai. Another
interview with another great ELA veteran, Mohamed Ali Idris
(Abu- Rijeila), famously known as the leader of the battle of Togoruba,
can be viewed at
http://www.alnahda1.8m.com/.
To access the latter article click on (لقاء
العدد). When documents that describe the early stage of the
struggle are made available, younger generations should see this as an
opportunity not to be missed.
The second critical stage in the Eritrean struggle for national
independence is represented by the years that followed the unexpected
withdrawal of the ELF from the field. Although it was a self-inflicted
weakness on the revolution because of the EPLF’s role in driving the ELF
out of the field, the former faced the ever growing number of the
Ethiopian army and its sophisticated arsenals with courage,
determination and strength. Here I would like to remind the reader of
what happened between 1980 and 1984, as I still was residing in my home
town of Keren at the time and I lived through the war propaganda aimed
at intimidating the general Eritrean public. I also witnessed the huge
mobilisation of the Ethiopian army gearing itself up to uproot and crash
the Eritrean revolution. Following the failure of five successive
offensives to capture Nakfa, the last strong hold of the EPLF,
the Dergue regime launched an unprecedented attack in 1982, famously
known as the “Sixth Offensive”. The Dergue regime intensified its
war efforts supported by the massive military and logistics support
provided by the eastern bloc nations, especially Libya in an
effort to wipe out the Eritrean revolution. Ironically, President
Qaddafi
today is the best mate of President Afewerki!
Keren, because of its central location, was the logistics centre for the
Ethiopian army. The huge build up of military preparations continued for
nearly a month. As usual, the EPLF fighters stood firm against the
large, massively equipped Ethiopian army and defeated the aggressors in
a humiliating manner. Thanks to the gallant EPLF fighters and the
strategic terrain of Nakfa that disadvantaged the advancing Ethiopian
army. Then came the “Silent Offensive” in 1983, so named because,
unlike the preceding offensives, especially the sixth one for which the
Dergue regime immensely displayed military manoeuvres and involved in
psychological warfare tactics, this one was launched without any advance
warnings. It even took by surprise the EPLF fighters who always seemed
ready to face any aggression regardless of its magnitude. Again the EPLF
fighters encountered the enemy with courage and the Eritrean struggle
was not crushed as Mengistu hoped for it would be. The Ethiopian army
not only failed to capture Nakfa, but faced another defeat in a
different front. The courageous EPLF’s commandos stormed Asmara’s
airport in 1984 and set ablaze numerous MiG Fighters and ammunition
depos. Unfortunately, the EPLF fighters left behind one of their
comrades who took part in the operation. What happened to this Eritrean
hero? Mengistu ordered his forces in Asmara to bury the EPLF’s hero with
full military honour. The honorary burial of the hero was a rumour
that circulated widely around the country during that time, but until
today I haven’t found any reliable information to confirm or deny the
rumour. I appreciate if anyone knows the truth to correct me.
The failure of the Ethiopian army to capture Nakfa – the symbol of
Eritrean resistance – and the successful commando operation inside
Asmara lifted the sprit of Eritreans in the occupied cities and villages
to join the revolution and fight against the occupation. Meanwhile, in
1984 the Degue regime announced a compulsory national military service.
The miscalculation of the regime was to make the service compulsory to
Eritreans. This ill-informed decision backfired on the Dergue’s regime,
as many Eritreans joined the revolution to avoid the conscription. A
significant number of young Eritreans joined the liberation struggle
during the first half of the 1980s. Of course, the magnitude of the
influx to the rebel field was not as huge as the unprecedented influx of
the mid 1970s. In my opinion, the period 1980 – 1984 was another turning
point in the history of the struggle since the revolution was relatively
weak and the coloniser was strong. The EPLF stood firm and the
revolution survived. That is another attribute of an exemplary
revolution.
The EPLF’s astounding victories and achievements culminated in the
liberation of the whole country. Ever since the 24th of May
1991, Eritrea became a new sovereign state in the Horn of Africa.
Eritreans were relishing in the spirit of independence and freedom. They
were expecting political freedoms and the prospect of development of the
country, which unfortunately are completely absent in today’s Eritrea.
What
went wrong following independence?
The then EPLF, in its second organisational congress in 1987, adopted a
resolution that it would establish a multi-party system of government in
Eritrea after liberation. All Eritreans counted on the promise of the
EPLF, the organisation to which many belonged and supported with
integrity. Eritrea attained sovereign statehood at a time when
democratisation has become increasingly a viable option in Africa after
the collapse of the Soviet Union.
Given the multi-ethnic make-up of the Eritrean society and the plural
political reality of Eritrea, the country needed democracy more than
ever before.
Conversely, after the EPLF consolidated its grip on state power it
backtracked on all promises made regarding the democratisation process
and the issue of reconciliation with the other national organisations
that contributed to the ultimate success. The EPLF resorted to
discrimination and exclusion policies that further polarised the
Eritrean society into internal and external factions.
When the demand for political reforms started mounting, the regime in no
time created wars with neighbouring countries in order to divert the
attention of the people from further demand. The war with the Sudan,
Yemen, the provocation of Djibouti and the full scale war with Ethiopia
have swallowed the meagre economy and wasted the lives of the innocent
young men and women of Eritrea.
The regime (hereafter referred to PFDJ as EPLF is not exactly PFDJ) in
Eritrea has curbed on democracy and denied any space for others after
independence, despite
there have been a number of political organisations in the Eritrean
political arena before the coming into being of the PFDJ.
The PFDJ regime has cracked down on opposition political movements by
either imprisoning all its political opponents or forcing them out of
the country into exile. In an effort to dominate the Eritrean political
arena and to stay in power longer, PFDJ has denied the existence of
opposition movements and outlawed any type of dissent. The issue of
democracy and the establishment of a multi-party system has not been
raised or discussed and the plea of the people for reform has not been
heeded. The PFDJ regime supported by its notorious security apparatus
has focused on silencing its critiques either by putting them behind
bars or by physically eliminating them.
Cases of kidnapping, assassination and deaths under mysterious
circumstances have increased steadily (http://www.suwera.org/english/index.htm).
The targeted victims are not only the opposition groups, but even
members of the then EPLF who expressed dissatisfaction with the
government’s political practices have suffered severe punishments. There
are many who have been liquidated. A classical example is that of the
G-15.
The PFDJ
regime does not tolerate dissent from even within its own rank, as
manifested by the arrest of government ministers – commonly known as
G-15 – on 18 September 2001. The ministers expressed grave concerns and
opposition about the inability of the Eritrean President to resolve
diplomatically the border conflict with neighbouring Ethiopia. They also
voiced their objection to the delay of implementing the constitution
that calls for the establishment of a democratic system. The ministers
and numerous sympathetic cadres were apprehended and their whereabouts
are unknown todate. Some of the G-15 members, luckily were outside the
country at the time of the arrest, and so managed to escape the ill fate
of their comrades inside Eritrea. PFDJ is an extremely violent
organisation that readily resorts to force to crash political
opposition.
The government of Eritrea is an authoritarian regime similar to the
deposed regime of the communist dictator of Ethiopia.
The economic system likewise is “planned economy”, fully under
control of the state. It is the regime that owns and controls over
80-90% of the economy. I admit that this is a complex subject and some
may argue in favour of planned economy over “free market economy”.
I support a mixed economy and I believe such an economic system would
have strengthened the economy had the Eritrean government adopted a
balance between the two systems. If the reader wants to know more about
the advantages and disadvantages of planned economy vs free market
economy, please read this article:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Planned_economy#Support_for_centrally_planned_economies.
Ultimately, unlike President Afewerki, who thinks that PFDJ’s
administrators excel over MBA holders as expressed in this article
http://www.awate.com/artman/publish/article_4294.shtml,
I leave the judgement to the economists who know better which type of
economic system is better/best for Eritrea. I am sure if Eritrea had
many administrators with MBA qualifications, the state of the economy
would have been in a better shape. Whilst I agree that real world
experience is important, no one can argue against knowledge-based
management skills that proved to be more efficient. Why do highly
experienced public and private managers go back to university to gain
MBA qualifications? It is simply because it adds value to their
practical administrative skills. In this respect, although I disagree
with Alem’s discussion in one aspect (http://www.awate.com/artman/publish/article_4295.shtml),
I fully endorse her visionary proposal stated below:
“We need a
fresh start. Our gedli era experiences had served the purpose and it is
time to give it a decent burial. We need an educational system that is
geared to take the nation, into the 21st century and beyond. We should
not be afraid to experiment with new ideas and concepts. The days of
"village mentality" are over. Yesterdays experiences have served the
nation well, but it is not a solution for an Eritrea that has to compete
increasingly, in an overcrowded market”.
To sum up, the Eritrean revolution is an
exemplary revolution because it achieved its prime objective, which was
the liberation of Eritrea from colonial power. From the very moment that
many patriotic Eritreans joined the liberation organisations, first the
ELF and then the EPLF, the intention and objective was to fight against
the colonial power and to gain sovereignty. That was achieved.
Nevertheless, Eritrea is drifting towards a failed state because, under
PFDJ, the country has not succeeded in creating an environment conducive
to social harmony and cohesion among its diverse groups. Instead, PFDJ
regime instigates internal and external conflicts among the
non-homogenous populace of the country in the polity. PFDJ confiscated
the peoples’ freedom, suppressed human rights and tramped over their
dignity by throwing behind bars many innocent Eritreans and by
physically eliminating those who championed in the fight for democracy.
On the economic side, the cost of living is skyrocketing, the prices of
essential goods are soaring, and dissatisfaction with the government’s
performance is growing. These are significant factors that contribute to
the demise of a nation unless Eritreans reflect back on their proud
history and decide to change the present course of events by acting
collectively to reverse the current unpromising Eritrean situation.
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