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Did You Know This? - 7
The Chimera of
Self-Determination
Ethnicity as a guiding principle of politics
is both outdated and dangerous
By Michael Bliss
(Professor of history at the University of Toronto.)
Nharnet Team (March 17, 2005)
Ethnic
politics, which is nowadays quite dominant in Africa, is not a unique
malaise of our continent. It becomes fashionable at times and then
declines. Take the Scotish nationalist party, which was favoured by less
than 1% of the Scotish electorate in 1960, rose to control over 30% of
the same electorate in 1974 but to go down within a decade to its low
support levels. Ethnicity and self-determination are terms that are in
frequent use by some Eritrean organizations and website writers.
Nharnet.com is pleased to recommend reading of the article below
written and published in 1998 by a Canadian history professor who then
argued as follows:
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U.S. President Woodrow Wilson, the great
articulator of postwar principles, equated self-determination with
democracy. He did not live to see that prove hopelessly impractical.
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In modern functioning democracies it is
not ethnic groups but citizens that rule.
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Debates over ethnic self-determination
have almost always led downward, to the darkest events of our dark
century.”
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Quebec nationalists [in Canada] have been
infuriated by Ottawa's Supreme Court reference and its argument that
Quebec cannot secede unilaterally from Confederation. Quebeckers do not
have a legal right of self-determination, the government of Canada is in
effect saying. What an appalling slap in the face to elementary
principles of democracy, responds a broad Quebec coalition led by
separatist Premier Lucien Bouchard and including Liberal federalists
Daniel Johnson and Claude Ryan. Whether or not Quebec stays in Canada,
they all contend, the decision is solely up to the people of the
province.
No one believes that any other Canadian
province could unilaterally secede. Why is Quebec different? Because, we
are told, Quebeckers constitute a distinct "people" or "nation." As
such, they must have a right to determine their own future by
themselves, or they are not free.
This concept has a long and checkered
history in Western culture, worth re-examining. It began in the early
1800s, when it became fashionable among European intellectuals to
portray ethnicity as a determining human characteristic. Common blood
and culture created ethnic or racial groups. Each had a distinct
identity. Each, it was argued, should have the right to choose its own
future.
This new ethnic-based nationalism provided
a rationale for rebellions against the Habsburg and Ottoman empires, as
well as for movements to unite various Slavs, the Italians, Greeks and,
above all, the German volk. Eventually that disintegration grew
into a global conflagration. As the old European order self-destructed
in the Great War of 1914-18, self-determination was seen as the great
instrument for liberating peoples from malign imperial rule. (It was not
applied, for example, to the victorious British and French, while Lenin
found his own way around the stricture.) U.S. President Woodrow Wilson,
the great articulator of postwar principles, equated self-determination
with democracy. He did not live to see that prove hopelessly impractical
in multiracial Central Europe and become a major cause of World War II.
The self-determination of subject peoples
remained a driving principle in the final dismantling of the remaining
global empires in the 1960s and of the collapse of Russian imperialism
in the 1980s. In Canada, aggressive French-Canadian nationalists, many
of them inspired by Algerian and other Third World liberation movements,
thereupon picked up the argument in the context of the ancient British
victory on the Plains of Abraham, in which Quebec fell under "colonial"
rule. Various Quebec governments have claimed special or distinct
"national" status, symbolized by the renaming of the Quebec legislature
as the National Assembly in 1968.
A Supreme Court ruling that Quebec does
not have a right of self-determination is bound to be seen as a frontal
attack on the local form of nationalist theology. But not enough
attention is being paid to the growing bankruptcy of all ideas of ethnic
self-determination in the modern world.
What makes a nation or a people? If common
racial origin is the key, what distinguishes nationalism from racism?
Not much, the bloody history of our century suggests. If instead of race
a common culture or language is sufficient to define a people, do
members of cultural and linguistic minorities then become second-class
citizens? If merely living in a distinct territory is all that is needed
to define a people or nation, is there also a right of
self-determination for Manitoba, British Columbia, Nova Scotia and
Prince Edward Island?
For that matter, why should the citizens
of cities not have a right to declare themselves a people with a right
of self-determination? Call that the Athenian option. What about nations
within nations, racial or cultural minorities that claim their own right
of self-determination? The "first nations" of Quebec, its aboriginal
peoples, control about two-thirds of the province.
The fact is that debates over ethnic
self-determination have almost always led downward, to the darkest
events of our dark century. The more meager sense of 20th century hope
has been fueled by the triumph of ideas of democratic pluralism and
rights-based individualism in modern societies, where ethnicity is one
of the least considerations. The partisans of ethnic self-determination
who fight on in Bosnia, the heart of central Africa, Corsica, Chechnya
and other agonized locations, seem increasingly anachronistic,
yesterday's vicious romantics.
At best, a clear Supreme Court ruling
against the self-determination argument might weaken nationalism's
atavistic appeal, though it might equally inspire a backlash.
Self-constituted "nations" may have had a right to secede from antique
empires. But in modern, functioning democracies--and Canada is one of
the world's most envied--citizens rather than ethnic groups rule. And
they are obliged to play by the rules they devised for themselves,
starting in 1867.
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