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TO THE POINT |
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What Our Readers Ask First a word to our
readers:
We at Nharnet.com wish to once again thank readers who sent us kind
words of encouragement for the modest efforts we are making to improve
this website and satisfy wider reader interest.
In this connection, we are pleased to report that readership of
this website increased five-fold (i.e. 500%) from an average of 175, 000
visits per week in May 2002 to 775,000 visits per week in September 2002.
This no doubt shows that more and more of our compatriots are keenly
following developments in the country with the aim of finding lasting
solutions to our problems. This high record of visitors was obtained
amidst a fierce struggle against a continued attack by an average of 2
virus-carrying emails per day coming, most probably, from PFDJ thugs. This
indicates how much the regime is upset by the public impact being made by
websites like Nharnet.com. The
shaky regime in Asmara has been manifesting in more than one way its
trepidation from our people learning the truth about the genuine
democratic and inclusive agenda pursued, for example, by the ELF-RC, an
organization that our people find to be the opposite of what the PFDJ
paints it. Therefore, all readers of Nharnet.com are encouraged to keep
sending comments and criticisms about the website and/or the ELF-RC so
that the Nharnet Team would continue striving to serve the reader better
and make the leadership of the ELF-RC more responsive to our people’s
demands of the hour that can help in the struggle for democratic
transition. The
frequently asked questions:
Many readers are coming up with sincere questions that seek honest
information for better understanding. This is a healthy approach for which
To The Point has been designed to clear up readers’
misconceptions by providing honest answers. Our readers repeatedly raised
the following questions in recent weeks:
This column will attempt to
provide you with summary responses to these important questions. For
today, let us take the first question only. Why
Couldn’t the ELF-RC Take Part in the 1993 referendum? Although the ELR-RC
publications and radio broadcasts since 1993 have exhaustively responded
to the question, it is unfortunate and sad to find some misunderstanding
still lingering about the political viewpoint and policy of the
organization on this issue. Some
may not see the point of discussing or writing about this subject at this
stage. However, we do not
want any sincere person left puzzled by the PFDJ propaganda; we therefore
find it proper to address the issue to the point – in a short and
concise matter. Our readers might have noticed
that even Dr. Bereket Habtesellasie once again mentioned the issue in a
wrong way at his recent talk to a meeting of EPF-Washington, DC. However, the living truth that Dr. Bekerekhet also knows deep
in his heart is that ELF-RC never declared to boycott the referendum or,
by implication, oppose Eritrean independence! The aim of the one-man
dominated ‘transitional regime’ was to attack the ELF-RC with smears
and false accusations intended to injure its reputation. Thus the abusive
language used on the issue of referendum was one of those smear campaigns.
We have never been against referendum as such. The ELF-RC
declared its position on referendum since its third National Congress held
in 1989 by stating that the aim of the Eritrean revolution was national
independence through armed struggle. But if the military junta in Addis
Ababa agreed to settle the Eritrean case by a common consent, it could be
challenged through the principle of fair referendum conducted under the
auspices of the UN and independent international bodies. When
the land was liberated in May 1991, Eritrea entered into a unique
situation. All political groups were ready to engage in the process of
positive reconstruction. A participatory transitional government was
demanded in a multi-party democratic government of one and undivided
Eritrea. When the declaration of independence was delayed, the ELF-RC made
it clear that the tactics being played by the new regime were meant to
suppress the well being of our future politics. It is a common knowledge
that ELF-RC and other opposition groups have paid high price for
independence. All organizations have done their share.
All deserved to participate in every single issue that concerned
the liberty and sovereignty of the Eritrean people. When
the issue of referendum was finally announced, the ELF- RC had to review
and address the idea very carefully by raising several legitimate
questions on the fairness of the process. What
the ELF-RC wanted and demanded during 1991-93 was that Eritrea better
started the ABC of democratic life with the referendum itself. Defying
dictator Isayas’s banning
of all opposition as of 1991, the ELF-RC called on the Eritrean regime, on
all Eritreans and on the United Nations to recognize that other political
organizations also existed and that they had the right to demand
participation in the referendum under their own identities – their own
ID cards - until a legitimate national government is established in
Eritrrea. This call did not find listening ears at that time. It was clear that Eritrea was
a de facto independent country. Thus, the ELF-RC did not put much
weight to the criticality of the referendum as far as the independence was
concerned. So, declaring
independence was one clear and legitimate option were it not for
considerations in favour of the TPLF by giving it a legal way of defending
itself against Ethiopian critics and hardliners who opposed TPLF’s
support to Eritrean independence. If
one is to view the issue critically, the 30 year long struggle has been of
the people and by the people. Going
back to ask them to vote on independence through referendum was a mute
issue to begin with. In
any case, ELF-RC declared that it is okay to do the referendum just for
appeasing the Ethiopian public for TPLF’s sake as well as for
international diplomatic niceties and the advantage of making the
referendum on its way serve as a legal seal of our independence in the
United Nations. But
the ELF-RC also knew that the new regime would attempt to exploit the
referendum to strengthen its grip to political power. Dr. Amare Tecle himself became a tool for realizing
Isayas’s dictatorial dreams. To
this end, the referendum commission announced that no Eritrean, other than
those who held the regime’s identification cards, was allowed to
participate in the referendum. The
ELF-RC considered this announcement as an initial step towards aborting a
healthy process of transformation of Eritrea into a multi-party democratic
state. Thus
the organization came with its legitimate demands for participation in a
situation where only one ‘winner’ party was grabbing power without the
consent of the people and the participation of other political and social
forces in the country. Only to underline: the ELF-RC wanted to participate
fully, and when all doors for full participation were closed, it asked
that at least its members be allowed to vote carrying their legitimate
identity as members of a
political organization different from that of the regime. However,
the point that the propaganda of the Isayas regime twisted and exploited
was ELF-RC’s principled demand that its members and supporters vote
using their own ELF-RC ID cards and should not be forced to register with
the Asmara government. There was nothing wrong with that demand. We will briefly outline why
the ELF-RC took this stand. First,
ELF-RC
knew that the decree on nationality of Eritreans and other proclamations
made in exclusion of other political organizations that took part in the
national struggle lacked legitimacy to be acceptable.
It said it was not right to accept identities ascertained by a
regime, which wanted to deny the identity and the viewpoints of other
political organizations. The ELF-RC knew its members where Eritreans who
stood for Eritrea. That was enough. So,
why should ELF-RC members and those of other organizations have to go
through identity verification and registration by the Isayas government,
which had already exposed its dictatorial character from day one of our
liberation. Second,
since
Isayas had already declared that it is a crime to belong to any
organization, (the infamous
phrase: “nay wdbat Hashewye yelen”), ELF-RC had
the right to be concerned that it would be a security risk for its members
to provide a complete biography to the regime in the name of registration
for the referendum. Third,
ELF-RC
understood that the ‘transitional government’ would misconstrue the
registration as if it is full support for the one-man regime and its
political programme. Therefore,
the registration was seen as a means of excluding the opposition from any
political participation because the regime would say ‘all Eritreans
belong to my party/front’. Looking
back, isn’t that what exactly had happened? Fourth,
it
was a way of forcing the regime to admit there was more than one
organization or party in Eritrea and a way of showing the world that
opposition forces existed. Fifth,
ELF-RC members and supporters could easily vote using their own ID cards
and, so, there was no need for additional registration and hustle if the
sole purpose of the registration was for referendum.
As a result, ELF-RC presented
its demands for participation in an official memorandum to the UN
delegation in Eritrea and to Dr. Amare Tekle, head of the Referendum
Commission. The regime did
not respond for a while and the voting time got closer.
ELF-RC members were making tireless efforts to contact the
government offices and find out what their response was. Responses or
reactions from government-related sources came late and were varied in
their content depending the location and the person making the
‘response’. For example, Haile ‘Mao’, a government official, was
approached and the response was that ‘time is already up and the
referendum was just for formality, and you people [at ELF-RC] have nothing
to worry about’. At this
point, and in spite of those reassurances, most ELF-RC members were
worried because time was running out and some hurried registered although
there was no clear message from the organizers of the referendum, the UN
or even ELF-RC leadership which was waiting reaction from the GOE and the
UN. When the voting hour
suddenly arrived, some decided to go to the voting places waving the
Eritrean Flag with the slogan “hiji nnetsanet –tsbah nnetsanet”.
They also submitted their names and signatures to the UN requesting
that those in the list must be considered to have voted for independence,
as the case was for members in Germany.
It was obvious that the
Eritrean regime knowingly delayed the response to the request of ELF-RC to
vote with their cards. Isayas
and his cronies were going to use this as propaganda to isolate and
contain the organization. We
present the following documents to verify that the delay was on purpose.
We think that it is self
evident in light of the predicament our country is in and the steps Isayas
and collaborators have taken to date that their strategic plan was to
prevent any seeds of democracy from being planted.
Therefore, the ELF-RC did not
boycott the referendum for independence. In fact, the issue has never been
whether ELF-RC did or did not vote. It was a systematically designed
demonization of a political opponent. Today, we can ask: what about
the G15 who are being called agents of
Woyane and are being accused of treason?
Isn’t it the same PFDJ platform in demonizing opponents and
trying to distance them from the people subjected to propaganda machinery
of the dictatorship? Even if ELF-RC were not to request democratic
participation or ask its supporters to try to vote using their own ID’s,
would the Isayyas dictatorship have treated this organization differently?
The answer is obvious. This, in brief, was the story
regarding the much talked about ‘boycotting’ of referendum or
‘opposing Eritrean independence’ which was not at issue. The
Nharnet Team
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