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and
put
forth a comprehensive proposal as a prelude to the building of a free Eritrea.
This included
the
proposal for the formation of an all-inclusive transitional government. Ignoring
this, however,
the
EPLF stubbornly went ahead with its option of monopolizing political power and
ended up
pushing
the Eritrean people into the quagmire they now find themselves in. The damages
and
ruinous
ramifications of such a policy on all spheres of life in Eritrea are not hidden
to any
observer.
The terrible war against Ethiopia was just an extreme case. Human and material
resources
badly needed for the construction of the country have been squandered, and the
already
disastrous
legacy left behind by the Ethiopian occupation forces worsened due to recent
senseless
wars
and subsequentWith
the liberation of Eritrean national territory, the ELF put aside the bitterness
of the past isolation.
Demonstrating
familiar behavior, the regime is now seen rushing to play election gimmick in
an
attempt
to divert attention from criticisms it has been facing from the people in the
aftermath of
its
ruinous war against Ethiopia.
We
in the ELF-RC are fully aware that the challenges confronting us today are not
in any way
easier
than those we had to face in the course of our struggle for national
independence. We
therefore
stand firmly committed to building a democratic society in which all citizens
under a
united
nation shall enjoy freedom, cultural advancement and economic prosperity.
Convinced that
the
on-going struggle for political pluralism is a grand national enterprise that
concerns all, we
comprehend
that its consummation requires the participation of all the political and social
forces
of
our nation. Thus, in our quest to realize this crucial common task, side by side
with the lofty
ideals
our organization cherishes, we depart from our profound conviction in:
FIRST:
In Eritrea, the peasantry makes up the overwhelming majority of the society;
they subsist
on
farming, animal husbandry and fishing. Besides. There is a small working class
in the urban
centers;
the majority still maintain bond with their roots: the village and the land. The
rest of our
population
comprises of petite bourgeoisie that engages in small private holdings, trade or
skilled
labor.
SECOND: The Eritrean
society is multi-confessional, multi-lingual and multi-cultural. Hence,
no
serious analysis can overlook these facts when issues touching on identity or
the state's
position
on matters having religious tinge are considered. Polarization of opinion during
the
period
of self-determination in the 40s and early 50s when the languages issue was
raised had
proven
how religious affiliations and cultural choices could overshadow our people’s
position.
Consensus
was reached after heated debates among the various political forces of the time,
and it
was
only a practical compromise that made it possible for Tigrigna and Arabic to be
adopted as
the
official languages of Eritrea. Ever since, the languages issue has remained as
one of the
standing
principles of our nation.
THIRD:
There exist
gaps of development among the various regions of our country. Due to
definitive
historical circumstances as well as colonialist schemes that channeled development to
the
interests of colonizers rather than changing the quality of life in Eritrea, our
society was
hampered
from undergoing through normal evolutionary process of transformation. The
outcome
of
such background was the distorted socio-economic formation that exists today.
Those
realities have reflected in the existence of facilities symbolizing modernity -
electricity,
schools,
hospitals and communication network - in some regions while virtually
non-existent in
others.
In most cases, religious and linguistic distribution in Eritrea corresponds with
regional
demarcations.
The existing gaps of development could, therefore, be fertile ground for
suspicions
and
sensitivities that could negatively overshadow political issues. Thus, the
implications of those
conditions
pose serious challenge to patriotic and democratic efforts for building a modern
civil
society
transcending confessional, clan and linguistic divides.
FOURTH:
Agriculture
is the mainstay of the majority of our people. Farming, livestock breeding
and
fishing are key occupations. During the period of our armed resistance, hundreds
of
thousands
of peasants were forced to leave their homes and farms and migrated to the urban
centers.
Others went to live in refugee camps of the neighboring countries in the
thousands.
Since
independence the refugee population have been patiently waiting to go back to
their
villages
to lead their normal lives. But, a lot of hurdles have been precluding their
repatriation.
Once
these hindrances have been removed, minimum economic support provided and
political
stability
guaranteed the refugees shall be ready to return. Not surprisingly, thus, the
question of
Eritrean
refugees has been continuously and forcefully imposing itself on the political
and socioeconomic
programmes
of all the opposition political forces. For us too, it stands as a crucial
responsibility preoccupying our untiring attention.
FIFTH:
Eritrea’s realistic
foreign relations policy has to take the geopolitical, historical and
cultural
facts that tie our peoples with the peoples of the region into due
consideration.
Economically
and culturally advanced civil society is our goal. Political pluralism is
steppingstone
in
the long process of accomplishing that objective. That is why our organization believes
multiparty
democracy to be a very urgent national task that cannot be delayed. Moreover, we
appreciate
fully the fact that democracy is a comprehensive programme that hinges on
requisite
12
conditions.
However, the one-thousand-mile journey has, of necessity, to begin with one
step, to
borrow
a truism of common wisdom. Political pluralism, too, is an essential first step
in the
democratization process whose full form and scope can only be guaranteed through genuine
involvement
of all the social and political forces. This is the realistic way how our people
could
mobilize and deploy their energies and resources fully for the sake of a democratic
society they
aspire.
On the other hand, suppression of alternative platforms and options in favor of
a
particular organization paralyses the creative contribution of the society, creating
thereby a
perfect
condition for internal strife and backwardness on which despotism thrives.
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